The Courier

The President of Timor-Leste. José Ramos-Horta.

© Hegel Goutier

José Ramos-Horta is a matchmaker, a go-between, a man of ideas. Even during the struggle for independence he was able to smooth things over between the rival nationalist factions, notably between the guerrilla leader Xanana Gusmão and the then-exiled, Mari Alkatiri. This is as true today, and he continues to be the go-between, the peacemaker for both individuals and groups on the often fraught Timorese political scene. Ramos-Horta has stepped in each time there was trouble between the church and the previous government, and during the recent constitutional crisis he sought to promote a reconciliation between the ‘striking’ troops and the government. Initially Foreign-Minister-in-exile, he was appointed the country's first Foreign Minister and served until 2006, when he resigned to express his disagreement with [now] Premier Alkatiri over the management of the crisis. This was a move that only added to the respect in which he was held in by the islanders. Eventually, the prime minister also had to resign but doesn’t seem to harbour any ill will towards Ramos-Horta, even though he was called upon to replace Mari Alkatiri as the head of government in the countdown to the elections.

The question: is a trouble-shooter of this calibre too good for a country that still mourns its old ways of relying on amicable settlements and alliances to iron out any disagreements?

What are the priorities of your presidency and what are Timor's current priorities?

The all-important issue is the need to combat poverty. Political stability and building on the peace process are universally acknowledged as priorities, but rooting out poverty means the government has to make a start next year on channelling major investments into facilities to create jobs and provide transport systems for people living in the countryside. Here 70% of the working population is employed in the farm sector.

This kind of programme can obviously only be rolled out if the crisis is over. Do you think that is the case?

Of course the situation is quite normal. We were able to hold elections that the international community recognised as being open and fair and in a secure environment. Law and order has been completely restored in Dili. Minor problems do crop up from time to time, just like in France, Denmark or the United States, not to mention countries like Haiti or the Philippines where the challenges are much more daunting. The problems you see are only to be expected in a country faced with unemployment and poverty.

Nonetheless, one lasting sign of the crisis may be the camps for displaced people that we see in various places around the country.

The UN mission here recently conducted a survey among the refugees – the displaced people. They concluded that the security situation wasn’t even on anyone’s list of concerns. That is in direct contrast to last year, when the security issue would have appeared high on the list. Let me also add that a great many of these so-called refugees are there because they have got into the bad habit of relying on free humanitarian aid. And unfortunately, the refugee camps are at the mercy of opportunist groups and gangs. True, there are some honest people who have had their homes burned down or destroyed, but most of the camp inhabitants – the majority – are there to claim the humanitarian aid being distributed by UN agencies, the Timor-Leste government and others.

You outlined the broad themes in your programme but now that Timor-Leste is in a position to enjoy the benefits of oil revenues, how soon do you think this will have an impact on the people's well-being?

I think it will be next year, as we are going to start discussing the budget next year. We will be making a review to find out how we can invest more at a faster pace to improve living conditions in the countryside. Unfortunately, the government's ability to implement the budget in full at this time is not easy to achieve. We are turning to outside consultants via bilateral relations or via the UN.

The legal system is another priority issue for us. We have been able to count on the support of legal experts from Portugal, Brazil and Cape Verde for a UNDP-coordinated programme of training for Timorese legal experts.

Maybe we can turn to an issue with wider ramifications: geopolitics. How does this apply to Timor-Leste? In spite of your geographical situation, you have decided to join the ACP Group of States and subscribe to ACP-EU cooperation.
How does this cooperation square with your interests in ASEAN and other groups?

Our relationship with the South Pacific islands are ‘brotherly’ based on a bond of solidarity. But, formal diplomatic ties apart, there is nothing else. Their geographic isolation puts a limit on trade. Simply put, we do not have the capability to export to countries such as Fiji or Vanuatu.

Thanks to the South Pacific Forum we obviously have very close ties with Australia and New Zealand. So our relationship is geared more towards Australia, which is just next door, and the South-East Asian nations.

However, our country prefers to face west towards Indonesia, and north towards Malaysia, India, Singapore, and the Philippines. We belong to the geographical area of South-East Asia and my hope is that in a few years' time – maybe before 2012 – Timor-Leste will become the 11th member of ASEAN. We are already working towards this goal and all the member countries of ASEAN have already accepted the idea of Timor-Leste’s membership. Before we can enter, though, we have to improve our economy and infrastructure and create development frameworks.

What about your relationship with the European Union in the light of your special ties with Portugal?

We enjoy an excellent relationship with the European Union as a community and we have very strong ties with individual countries – Portugal in particular, but also with others such as Spain, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Ireland and Italy. Also, we have extremely good – and historic – relations with the European Parliament.

During the darkest days of our struggle for independence when the East Timor issue was thought to be a lost cause (even the UN was reluctant to discuss the question although it was on the General Assembly agenda), it was the European Parliament that worked the most for the cause of the Timorese people and their right to self-determination. Now the European Commission President is José Manuel Barroso, who is a true friend. In his capacity as Portugal's State Secretary for Cooperation and then Foreign Minister that he personally waged a hugely important diplomatic campaign on our behalf, particularly to the UN. Owing to his present status as Commission President, we are sure Timor-Leste continues to occupy a special place in his affections.

Apart from the historical ties between Timor-Leste and Portugal, it should be stressed that since our independence in 2002 we have always voted with the European Union on all human rights resolutions. We have done so in the UN, in the Commission on Human Rights and nowadays in the Human Rights Council in Geneva. We share the same key ethical values as the EU countries and our ties with the European Union are very special because of these values.

What about your relations with the African and Caribbean countries?

It is mainly with the African countries that we have historical ties, particularly with the PALOP countries (Portuguese-speaking African countries), Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Sao Tome and Principe. But we also enjoy a close relationship with South Africa, owing to the historical contacts with the ANC and with Nelson Mandela. In the UN Security Council, for example, South Africa is now arguing the case for the Timor-Leste support group and acting as its sponsor. Also, in spite of the geographic distance between us, history has produced brotherly relationships with a great many African countries, including Tanzania whose President, Julius Nyerere, fought in our corner at the UN even when the world seemed to have forgotten Timor-Leste.

• Timor-Leste
• Birth of a nation: An epic effort
• Post-crisis optimism - Political and economic background
• No Violence Please! Toppling the government by hook or by crook - Mari Alkatiri, leader of the opposition
• Understanding the Timorese - Listening to Bishop Basilio Nacimento
• Surviving splendours and curiosities: discover them before the tourists get here
• Strengthening institutional capabilities and rural development… and responding quickly to crises - East Timor and the European Union